Alternation and restriction in French adverbial ‘-ant’ constructions: a syntactic-aspectual account

Abstract

This article investigates the distribution of the ‘participe présent’ (Ppr) and the gérondif (Ger) in French adverbial ‘-ant’ constructions, with a focus on the phenomena of alternation and restriction between these two forms. The analysis combines a syntactic perspective — inspired by descriptions of adverbial clauses in Portuguese (cf. Lobo, 2003; 2006; 2013; Móia; Viotti, 2004) — with an aspectual approach grounded in lexical semantics (cf. Vendler, 1957; 1967; Comrie, 1976; Dowty, 1979; Smith, 1997, 2019; Rothstein, 2004). It is shown that the alternation between Ppr and Ger is not free, but simultaneously conditioned by the level of adjunction of the subordinate clause and by the aspectual nature of the predicate. The Ppr corresponds to peripheral constructions associated with readings of anteriority and non-intentional causality, whereas the Ger configures integrated constructions that favor interpretations of manner or simultaneity. The findings indicate that only achievement predicates allow alternation, while activities, states and accomplishments show systematic restrictions. The study concludes that the distinction between Ppr and Ger in adverbial contexts is grammatically encoded in French and results from the interaction between syntax and lexical aspect.